Black History Month acts as a gauge of the prevailing political atmosphere, so in what ways can we modernize it?

We are in Black History Month in the United Kingdom, and it seems it’s time for a reassessment. Throughout its history, an event that started out as a commemorative event of the past, cultural identity and bonds between Black populations worldwide, has developed a commercial tone, growing to encompass functions where Black people are paid to address Caucasian groups about hidden biases and active solidarity. The 2020s Black Lives Matter protests generated a rise in the industry of demonstrating racial awareness. However, that period has concluded. The tide has crested, resulting in a somewhat empty inheritance of what increasing understanding is for.

The History of Black History Observance

Originally observed in the United States and Canada, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as “Negro History Week” by historian of African descent Carter G. Woodson with a week of commemoration and observance in the second week of February. Black History Month evolved from this initiative and was formally inaugurated in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the US and Canada in the second month, but also in autumn in the UK, Germany, Ireland and the Netherlands.

The period has evolved since that time, giving reduced attention to the accounts of transatlantic enslavement and fights for racial justice, and greater focus on prominent Black figures in politics, culture, and activism, and extensively acknowledging the input Black people have made to shape the country. It is in schools where Black History Month is most frequently marked, with talks and cultural events. But the way the observance is commemorated is a manifestation of the political moment. How it progresses is a good lesson in how co-option leads to dismantling: the restructuring of Black History Month has impeded the objective of it, which is to address structural and organizational discrimination.


A Troubling Time

Little demonstrates how important it is to reconsider Black History Month as much as the particular moment in which it falls this year. In the Britain, a reemerging right-wing in the guise of the Reform party is top in opinion ratings. In the summer we observed the biggest extreme right demonstration in British history. Kemi Badenoch, the African descendant in charge of the Tory party, is a firm opponent of the racial justice movement, and we are in a place where a legislator gains confidence to state that the absence of Caucasian individuals in specific city neighborhoods is a cause for alarm. Meanwhile, extreme conservative groups are growing in the EU as a whole.

In the US, a colossal assault against inclusion programs and preferential policies has been taken, often successfully, to the supreme judicial bodies of the state. A effort to remove the history of people of color and experience from the archives is ongoing. One of the political figure's first executive orders focused on the institution dedicated to Black heritage, and the Smithsonian Institution, alleging that they of a coordinated and broad attempt to rewrite our Nation’s history” by depicting the United States “as naturally discriminatory”.

Given these circumstances, the month symbolises how insufficiently it can be influential if it is restricted to either routine organizational acknowledgments, or politically neutered festivities of former accomplishments, rather than addressing the conditions of the contemporary world. It also reveals how its short period means that it is detached from the broader ongoing work that is required. Denise Miller, a professor at an educational institution, expressed it perfectly when she expressed apprehension about the fleeting superficial actions of the month. “The difficulty with adopting a symbolic stance”, she stated, “is that it often means that Black History Month becomes a fleeting performance rather than a catalyst for change.”


Rethinking, But Not Jettisoning

Determining how to adjust, modify and expand initiatives for fair treatment and appreciation in such times of discouragement and concern is a treacherous thing. There is a temptation to just eliminate things like Black History Month entirely, thinking they are inadequate for current needs, or are relics of an time that has not worked.

But despite everything, Black History Month, and in fact the entire extended network and tradition of activism for racial justice – local anti-racism groups, diversity equity and inclusion initiatives, and yes, even those talks to businesses – constitute an foundation that a considerable labor has been dedicated to. It is there not only to deteriorate as the situation evolves (and in fact, declines), but to be a living breathing thing.

So what would a new dynamic Black History Month look like? To begin with, it would be more than a single focused period: something that is dispersed across all seasons (as certain organizations are already commencing), elements of its material (particularly around notable African descendants) incorporated into school curriculums. It would also be a era that does not avoid governmental matters, and provides room for people, particularly youth, to express their concerns and stories. What value has simple recognition of the past when it fails to address the contemporary truth of ultra-nationalist gatherings in the street? Establishments who mark it should not be comforted with the non-confrontational words of hidden discrimination and alertness to “microaggressions”, but faced with the risks that affect everyone if fight against prejudice is not approached earnestly. In short, Black History Month should be made contemporary, critical, and adaptive. It could be that an entire name rebrand is necessary – Present-Day African Heritage Celebration.

Joshua Preston
Joshua Preston

A data analyst and renewable energy enthusiast who writes about sustainable gaming practices and environmental strategies.